A History
Translated by Dubravka Juraga
Published by Prosveta (Beograd) and Institut za izučavanje radničkog pokreta (Beograd)
1967
Istorija afričke države od XVI veka do 1962. godine.
923pp
Front Matter & Table of Contents
BOOK SUMMARY (pp. 881-886; originally published in French, Russian and English)
Actually a history of Algeria from the sixteenth century to the Évian Accords, covering the liberation War from 1954 to 1962, the armed uprising, its political and military aspects and, in particular, the role of the unarmed Algerian people as a decisive factor of military power and victory in the war.
Algerian revolutionary trends are considered within the world process of decolonization and non-alignment which wield a powerful influence on international relations.
The liberation struggle as a component part of these relations enjoys the support of world public opinion, but suffers under the impact of the cold war contradictions. The causes of the liberation war and revolution are traced back to the social-economic and political institutions which French colonialism set up in Algeria after 1830, as instruments for the oppression of the people that prompted their revolt. Political movements and different parties in Algeria which prior to 1954, were preoccupied with institutional solutions within the framework of the French parliamentary system and the French community, fell into immobility which rendered them incapable of creatively leading the revolutionary movement for the emancipation and development of their country.
This state of affairs prevailed in the bourgeois nationalist parties and also in the Communist Party of Algeria, in consequence of which the uprising was organized and launched by political forces outside these parties and against their will. The uprising was led by FLLN as a multiclass movement, representing different strata of the population. The FLN did indeed bring the liberation war to its successful close, but it was also burdened, particularly towards the end of the revolution, by the many contradictions which revolution breed on their course, in their dimensions and in the perspectives of life and social systems in independence.
The historical retrospective approach from the sixteenth century onward was essential to bring out the problem in all its complexity and to show the individuality of the Algerian community, the role of Algeria in the Mediterranean, the real character of its ties with the Sublime Porte, and the dynamism which the Algerian element introduced into the latter’s naval and military expansion. All these factors actually represent the historical basis of the contemporary struggle of Algeria for its liberation and reveal the legitimity [sic; i.e., legitimacy] of its demands for a right to life and to a sovereign state.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE – End of the domination of Rome
ALGERIA IN MODERN HISTORY – Barbarossa conquers the western Mediterranean, Algerians, and the reorientation of Turkish strategy;
ALGERIA AND TURKEY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN – Nominal recognition of the authority of the Porte, Specific nature of relations between Turkey and Algeria, The Golden Age of pirate shipping
FOREIGN POLITICAL RELATIONS OF ALGERIA – 15th to 18th CENTURY – Positive attitude to the French revolution, Relations with other countries: England, Venice, United States, Dubrovnik;
CHARACTER OF NAVAL OPERATIONS AT THE TURN OF THE NEW CENTURY – Algeria and Venice block navigation, England and Piratry [sic; piracy], mare liberum, Rivalry for maritime routes;
RELATIONS BETWEEN FRANCE AND ALGERIA PRIOR TO 1830 – French refusal to repay credits and the “Fan incident”;
BEGINNING OF FRENCH CONQUEST OF ALGERIA – Diplomatic preparations and activity of France, Weakness of Algerian defence, Invasion squadron of 600 ships;
LAND RELATIONS AND BEGINNINGS OF RESISTANCE – Attitude towards foreigners, Blida, the beginning of the liberation movement of the people, Disruption of collective land ownership;
SPREAD OF INVASION AND ORGANIZATION OF COLONIAL POWER – “So long as we hold Algeria we shall be at constant war with Africa”, Colonial expansion, Steady deprivation of land;
RESISTANCE MOVEMENT UNDER ABDEL KADER – Peasant masses; Organization of central government and administration, New military expeditions, Long years of war and end of organized resistance;
ORGANIZED COLONIZATION AND DISRUPTION OF COLLECTIVE LAND OWNERSHIP – Large-scale capitalist colonization, Regime of forest preservation –source of violence and abuse;
SECOND AND THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC AND COLONIAL RULE IN ALGERIA – Peasant resistance, revolts and rebellions against colonization, Settlers – and the regime for Algeria;
EMERGENCE OF NEW RELATIONSHIP IN THE COUNTRYSIDE – Importance of agriculture for the economy of the country, Agricultural production, Economic dualism, the native peasant and measures of colonization;
DEMOGRAPHIC PHENOMENON AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE – General pauperization;
SYSTEM OF COLONIAL ECONOMY – Investments and oil;
COLONIAL RULE FROM 1918 to 1945 – Second World War and Algeria;
THE FOURTH REPUBLIC AND POLICY OF REPRISALS – Their reprisal of May 1955 – its place and role in the liberation movement, differing assessments of casualties;
COLONIAL REGIME AND RACIST IDEAS – Colonization and the settlers – Practice and ideology, Deterioration of education and literacy, Resistance to assimilation. Violation of basic human rights.
POLITICAL CONDITIONS, NATIONALIST PARTIES AND REVOLUTIONARY UPHEAVALS – Association of Ulemas, Manifesto AML, ULMA, Political system f or Algeria and instances of parliamentary practice, the Party and the Revolution
REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS – OS, CRUA AND BEGINNINGS OF ARMED STRUGGLE – Plan of military operations and creation of special organization, Disengagement of the younger generation, From the OS to the CRUA, Decision on the Uprising in 1954, Military-political organization of the uprising;
SPREAD AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE UPRISING 1954 to 1956 – August 20, 1955 – qualitative step forward in the development of the uprising. Military-political engagement of the unarmed masses, Integrationist “credo”;
THE UPRISING AT ITS PEAK (1956-1958) – Congress in Suman and military- political activity, Failure of “pacification”
STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF THE REVOLUTION FROM 1958 TO 1962 – Character of French military operations and adjustment of the uprising to new conditions, Decisive military and political factors;
TRADE UNIONS AND THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE – UGTA –united trade union organization;
TOTAL WAR AGAINST THE PEOPLE – “Training in Cruelty”, Losses of colonial army and costs of war.
THE FIFTH REPUBLIC AND THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION – France’s quest for a “third force”, Intensified action of Algerian frontier army, De Gaulle and the principle of self-determination;
THE UNARMED PEOPLE, A FACTOR OF MILITARY VICTORY 1960 – 1962 – December 1960, Qualitative step forward in the uprising;
NATIONAL QUESTION IN THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE – “Historical Awakening”;
THE INTERNATIONAL WORKERS MOVEMENT, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALGERIA AND ALGERIAN REVOLUTION – Attitude towards the armed rising and “separatism”, Overcoming dogmatism and sectarianism, Phenomena, problems and their analysis;
THE FLN, CNRA, PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT AND CAUSES OF THE SPLIT – Congress in Sumama, Provisional government of the Algerian Republic. Analytical appraisal of the situation in the movement, Search for a programmatic-ideological foundation of the FLN, Roots of open conflicts in the FLN leadership, Conclusion of political agreement with France – historical necessity, Definitive split and the race for power;
THE ARABS, MAGHREB AND ALGERIA – Positive effects of mutual influences; Supply of arms from the Arab world, Rivalry of Tunisia and its territory;
ALGERIA AND THE WORLD – Internationalization of the problem of war and peace, Yugoslav military and humanitarian assistance;
NEGOTIATIONS ON INDEPENDENCE AND RECOGNITION OF ALGERIAN SOVEREIGNTY – Provisional government, serious factor of negotiations, Unarmed people, decisive factor of political solutions;
CONCLUSION
CONTRIBUTIONS
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE DEYS AND THE FRENCH COURT AND REPUBLIC (1575 – 1833) – Algerian ethics in the letter of Dey Shaban to Louis XIV, the King’sa apology for the Tunisian incident;
RULERS OF ALGERIA FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE 16TH CENTURY;
PERIOD OF PACIFICATION – INFORMATION AND VIEWS OF PARTICIPANTS AND CONTEMPORARIES – Resistance to “pacification,” Crimes Committee by French troops, Plunder of population and destruction of country. “Careers” and mutual relations of generals;
ORGANIZATION, COMPOSITION AND TACTICS OF THE ALN – Auxiliary services of the ALN, Arming the insurgents, Commanding cadre, Political commissars and the FLN, The press in the struggle, The most favourable seasons for the insurgents;
DIARY KOF AN ALGERIAN WEEK;
ORIGINAL MINUTES ON BEN KHEDDA’S WALK-OUT OF THE CNRA SESSION OF JUNE 7, 1962;
VIALAYA IV – CIRCULAR LETTER — Why was the new organization adopted, Present Difficulties, Main services, intelligence Service, Military Service, Some Recommendations;
VILAYA III – CENTRAL DIRECTIVES OF AUGUST 1, 1961 – Political Directives, Military Directives, Directives on the intelligence service, cities, Autonomous services, Supply service, Medical service, Service for religious questions, UGTA:
FIFTY REGISTERED CASES OF HOLDING UP YUGOSLAV VESSELS FROM 1958 TO 1962;
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
| Genre/Form: | History |
| Additional Physical Format: | Online version: Pečar, Zdravko, 1922- Alžir do nezavisnosti. Beograd, “Prosveta,” Institut za izučavanje radničkog pokreta, 1967 (OCoLC)609915400 |
| Document Type: | Book |
| All Authors / Contributors: | Zdravko Pečar |
| OCLC Number: | 8212082 |
| Notes: | Summaries in French, Russian, and English. |
| Description: | 923 pages illustrations, folded map, portraits 21 cm |
Introduction
Among modern histories of liberation struggles and wars of anti-colonial movements, as well as among histories of peoples’ movements of Asia and Africa, and histories of various developments and processes that occurred after World War Two, a special place belongs to the Algerian Revolution. The Algerian Revolution is one of the most prominent and most characteristic revolutions based on the conditions from which it emerged, on its preparations, revolutionary motives and on the insights which it brings to the international and global understanding of liberation movements.
This topic was a special interest of research for the author because I had an opportunity, as a journalist and a historian[1], to follow the Algerian Revolution from its inception; to be in contact with people who lead it; to be with the fighters and the people and their armed struggle; I also had an opportunity to be present during political and diplomatic activities from their beginnings, which accompanied this armed struggle and revolutionary activity of the whole people.
It has also been necessary to give my own contribution to the study of the revolution of 1954-1964, as well as to the study of the rich history of Algeria because of superficial, unscientific and biased/one-sided interpretations and even intentional falsifications of Algerian history by politicians and journalists ideologically and politically tied to colonialism. These interpretations impeded the development of the revolutionary consciousness of the Algerian community, and the formation of the revolutionary movement of Algeria.
Furthermore, in the works of its ideologues and many historians, French imperialism promoted the thesis of Algeria as a country and community without a past and traditions, whose history begins only with the arrival of the French conquerors. According to that interpretation, no one in Algeria is a true native, so “all nations of the world,” and especially those of the Mediterranean – whose representatives arrived together with the French conqueror–have as much right to the Algerian soil, to its past and present, as the native population which immigrated here just as the Europeans did.[2]
A large number of French historians are of the opinion that, up to the French conquest of 1830, one could talk only about Turkish rule in Algeria, which was antagonistically oriented towards both the native population and France, and Europe as well. Historians G. Gautherot, G. Esquer, Grammont and others, claim, for example, that the French campaign of conquering Algeria was aimed not against the native population but against the thin layer of the Turkish rulers and their hirelings—Janissaries.[3]But at the same time, they do not insist on the existence of some kind of a direct control that the High Porte exerted over the Algerian dey. The fundamental thesis remained that neither the country of Algeria, nor its community and people, existed before the arrival of the French. Having adopted this point of view, and at the moment when it was necessary to find the solutions for the problems caused by the Algerian uprising, (i.e., to negotiate with the Algerian people over the independence and sovereignty of their country), the President of the French Republic, General De Gaulle, stated on Sept. 16, 1959 that, “There has never been an Algerian state, in any shape or form.”[4]Thus, the conclusion was drawn that, in Algeria, the principle of self-determination cannot be established in relation to the native population as a whole, but only in relation to individuals representing various ethnic, linguistic, racial, and religious groups. The aim of this position was to impede an understanding of the true nature of the community in Algeria.
Such attitudes were based upon widely disseminated works of the ideologues of French colonialism, in particular Jacques Soustelle according to whom there had never been an Algerian people, so therefore no one in the whole of Algeria was even aware of their existence[5], and the armed rebellion of 1954 was the act of a Pan-Arab conspiracy[6]. According to E. F. Gauthier, the French, the masters of Maghreb, came to Algeria after the Turks, whose rule followed the Arab rule, just as the Arabs came after Byzantium, and the Byzantines came after the Vandals, who came after the Romans, who came after the Carthaginians. In other words, there has been a cascade of foreign domination which has never been interrupted, not for a moment, either by local autonomy or by some independent state. In addition, foreign conquerors have never been kicked out of Algeria by some native rebellion; they have always been directly expelled by another conqueror, the heir of an earlier conqueror. No other country in the world — Gauthier tells us — has been so predisposed not to be an independent community, as Algeria has been, as this curious inability to exist as an independent community has already been confirmed for two thousand years[7].According to J. Despois, Algeria is a country without any geographical and historical cohesion, and it only got its name and unity from the French.[8] In such manner, French colonial historians invented their own analyses of Algerian past, which were also to provide subsequent perspectives to colonialism and answer questions about its future.
Algeria was a country without geographic and historical cohesion. The Turks artificially divided it, and Algeria should thank France for giving it its name, marked the borders, organized administration modeled upon its own, brought many settles and introduced new industry. Outside of Europe, there is not one Islamic country where the population is in such close contact with the Europeans and under their cultural influence.
Algeria with its neighbors was a theocracy. The Turks managed to create a very fragile, though well- organized military protectorate in the central region of Maghreb. Without the dey and his government, Algeria soon revealed its true nature to the French—an inorganic collection of tribes and villages which had no basic skeleton that the new administration could bolster itself.” Jean Despois, L’Afrique du Nord, I, Paris, 1958, 162-164.
“Never has imperialism falsified history as brutally as was the case in Algeria. Never has it generated so many obvious falsehoods with so much persistence and so much stubbornness,” states an article in El Moudjahid – abbreviated as E.M.), the official organ of the FLN. The anonymous writer, reporting on the inspiring thoughts of the revolutionaries, thoughts born in the heat of the struggle and without the possibility of scientific research, points out that the imperialist thesis which denies the existence of the Algerian nation has been widely accepted on the French left as well as it has been infected by the imperialist ideology “because of their [the Left’s, op. tr.] ignorance of history or because of the mistakes in their own perspectives.” Criticizing the position of the French Left, and especially the position of the French CP [communist party], El Moudjahid presents an interesting idea that the communists were unable to see that “one of the main generators of the national Algerian struggle was exactly the idea which Algerians themselves are creating from their past.” The Left underestimated the role of national culture, of spiritual and historical values that enabled Algerians to preserve their pride and maintain the belief in their homeland even during the most difficult moments of colonialism. “Algerian nation is not some recent innovation of yesterday; it is not a straw for which Algerian people grasps in order to free themselves from the repulsive exploitation suffered under colonialism,” El Moudjahid writes at the moment of full-blown revolution, in 1958.[9]
According to the Algerian perspective, such is the state of science dealing with the history of this country, although there are exceptions like Mostefa Lacheraf, Charles-Andre Julien, and other Algerian and French scholars who did their research conscientiously. Because of all these factors, the author of this work [Pecar, op. tr.] must examine Algeria’s past scientifically; such an examination would clarify various phenomena and specifics of transitioning to the armed rebellion, of leading the war of liberation, of winning it, and of socialistic reconstruction of an independent Algeria, a logical result of such development. My examination of the problem followed historical, and not illustrative, components of viewing the historical conditions continuity which represents specific phases in the development of the Algerian community, its continuous non-interrupted maturation following the motifs and inevitability of revolutionary action. In order to describe our approach to this complex topic, its sources and literature, it should be said that this work, a doctoral dissertation in its first version, consists of three parts: Algeria within the Ottoman Empire framework; Algeria under the French rule; Nationalist movement and the Algerian revolution. These periods are separate though closely related, and specific literature and primary sources were available for each of them. We approached literature, sources and materials using specific critical methods because until now, these sources and materials have been examined through various lenses of both ideological and political conceptions. In their arguments, French colonialism, action-oriented, often utilized conscientious work of French historians and scientific researchers to emphasize historical theses and evaluations necessary to their agenda.
In regards to the first historical period, we approached known sources and literature as well as historical sources and literature unknown to the scholarship by applying critical analysis to the historical data, which, in this case, confirmed the existence of the special entity of Algeria in modern history.
It was often necessary to apply known historical facts to a special analysis in order to tease out important details from numerous documents – such as several hundred letters of correspondence of Algerian deys with the French court and relevant French administrators from the 16th century to Napoleon. At the same time, care had to be taken that this older literature did not impose bias on us with its rigid principles, laws, conclusions and conceptions. It was necessary to utilize both the experience of contemporary French historiography and our domestic and world historiography, especially in relation to the so-called Turkish period of Algeria[10].
This manuscript, under the title History of the People’s Liberation Movement in Algeria,” 825 pages long (double-spaced), was defended as the doctoral dissertation on November 6,1964, at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade in front of the Committee consisting of the following professors: Dr. Jorjo Tadic, Dr. Vasa Cubrilovic, and Dr. Radovan Samardzic. It has been two years since the work on the dissertation was finished, and the author visited Algeria twice during that period and continued his research. All these additional results have been added to the book, and a particular attention has been given to memoirs and other materials about Algerian revolution which appeared after 1962 in Algeria and in France. Some of these materials the author received in manuscript form. Also, some of the comments/remarks and suggestions of the Committee have been included, especially those made by dr. Jorjo Tadic.
For this particular period, we utilize few and rare Arab chronicles of Algeria from the 16th century, translated and published by French historians. We pay particular attention to the sections in those chronicles which talk about the establishment of Algerian regency, brothers Barbarossa, etc. Spanish Benedictine monk Diego de Haedo gives information about the beginnings of Algeria, its economy, work force, and relationship with Turkey. Monk Dan and other sources similarly describe the country and people. In their research of this period of Algerian history, Turkish historians Uzuncarsili and Ilter conclude that there are not enough historical sources about these parts of the Ottoman empire—the so-called west odzaci [territories with internal autonomy; see Istorija Osmanskog carstva, Vikipedija]. Thus, few documents exist in the Archives of the President of the Turkish Republic in Istanbul, so even Turkish historians are obliged to use the works of European authors. European travelers and observers, merchants and special envoys, prisoners, and their writings are an especially rich source for studying Algerian history from 16th to the 19th century.
As primary sources, we also utilized diplomatic correspondence of consuls, special emissaries to the Sublime Porte, and especially French and English ambassadors; correspondence of French business concessions in Algeria with the centers in Marseille and Toulon; and Annales maritimes et coloniales reports about movements of ships and goods in Marseille. English Public Record Office has interesting reports which discuss in detail interior administrative arrangements of Algeria, its economics, international ties, etc. 17th and 18th century reports of the English consul R. R. Playfair and the American consul William Shaler discuss the same topics. A special topic consists of reports of various European governments and states about paying tribute to Algeria for the free sail on the Mediterranean, as well as manuscripts of various Catholic, Protestant and other priests who resided in Algeria. The Dubrovnik Archive contains a whole series of documents which have not been analyzed yet.
Of special interest to this researcher are series of publications of the French General Command prepared for the conquest operation of 1830, including numerous reports of French spies, merchants, consuls, ex-prisoners of war: these reports discuss the country, the people, its military power and defensive capabilities. The wealth and variety of this literature allowed for the creation of a logical, successive timeline of evident gradual emancipation of Algeria and its independent and important role in international relationships from the 16th century onward. I applied a more complex research approach to the second group of sources and literature which focus on the time of the French occupation from 1830 to 1954, i.e., until the beginning of the revolution. My goal is to establish an understanding of French colonialism, its methods and conditions, as well as the negative influences and trends it imposed on the Algerian people.
2020: I STOPPED TRANSLATING THE INTRODUCTION AT THIS POINT IN ORDER TO WORK ON CHAPTER 19 which discusses political conditions, nationalist parties and revolutionary upheavals in Algeria after World War Two.
June 2021: I resumed the translation. See the next post.
A note on translation:
When a commentary or note by the translator was added, it was bracketed and [placed in footnotes].
Right: how Serbian language works
[1] Being an historian by calling, as soon as I became physically distanced from Algeria (after it gained independence) in 1962, and while I was still inspired by the epic heroism of the Algerian people, I felt responsible to contribute to the study of the history of the revolution, objectively, using scientific methodology and approach.
[2] The official textbooks on Algeria, up to 1962, which elaborated these theses are: S. et Chaulanges, Cours élémentaire, Delagrave, 1949; Ballot et Marc, Cours moyen; A. Colin, Paris 1953; Kuhn et Ozouf, La géographie au certificat d’études, Delagrave, 1949.
[3] Gustave Gautherot, La Conquete d’Alger 1830, Paris 1929; Gabriel Esquer, La Prise d’Alger 1830, Alger 1923; 1856, 1867; H. D. Grammont, Histoire dAlger sous la domination turque (1515—1830), Paris, 1887.
[4] Le Monde, 17, September 1959.
[5] Ferhat Abbas contributes to this thesis in his early articles where he claims that there is no Algerian people. Ferhat Abbas, Le Jeune Algérien, Alger 1931, L’Entente, Alger 1939.
[6] J. Soustelle, Aimée et souffrante Algérie, Plon, Paris 1956, 142-221.
[7] Une œuvre francaise: l’Algérie. Conférence organisée par la Société des anciens élèves de l’école libre des sciences politiques. Paris, 1929. The speech by E. F. Gauthier, University of Algeria professor, 293
[8]J. Despois says: “Turkish Algeria was an artificial construction inherited by the French. Three Turkish provinces became three French departments, but Algeria was not homogenous. Some neighboring tribes did not even know each other.
[9] El Moudjahid (the official organ of the FLN), February 1, 1958.
[10] VCh. A. Julien, Historie de l”Afrique du Nord de la conquete Arabe a 1840, Paris 1956.
Zdravko Pečar: Alžir do nezavisnosti 